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cheng xin

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A software engineer, with .NET, VC, VB, interested in software engineering, web services, design patterns
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Sportsman

2009/11/24

ZT: 物价: 首尔 vs. 上海

前言: 韩国首尔地区的物价水平很高,在最新的城市消费水平调查中,韩国首尔地区的生活费用高居世界第二。但一直感觉如果算上工资就不一定了。有人做了个具体比较。

在比较物价之前,先比较一下两国的工资水平,目前,人民币兑韩币比率为1170,即一元人民币兑170元韩币,或者,也可以这么算,即1000元韩币,折合人民币6元(那也就是说,1万韩币为10K韩币,即60RMB10万韩币为100K元即600RMB100万韩币为1000K元即6000元人民币)。在中国上海,一个普通大学的大学毕业生月收入平均算2000元人民币,在韩国首尔,大学毕业生平均月收入为200万韩币即2000K韩币,折合12000元人民币,是我们的6倍。好,2000元人民币VS2000K韩币,在这样的工资水平下,我们看一下两国的物价。

  

  1.吃的方面:

  米价

  首尔:20Kg大米,韩币4W元,即40K元,占工资总额2%

  上海:20Kg大米,RMB2/500g,20Kg80元,占工资总额4%

  肉价:(都说韩国肉价贵是吧,看看人家韩国猪肉牛肉的真实价格水平吧)

  首尔:一斤五花肉5K元,占工资总额0.25%

  上海:一斤五花肉15元,占工资总额0.75%,为韩国的3

  首尔:一斤进口牛肉6K元,战工资总额0.3%

  上海:一斤进口牛肉40元,占工资总额2%,为韩国的6.67

  首尔:一斤本地牛肉20K元(韩国本地牛肉叫韩牛,是韩国牛肉市场最贵的牛肉了),占工资总额1%

  上海:一斤本地牛肉25元,占工资总额1.25%为韩国的1.25

  副食品:

  首尔:一瓶1.25L的可口可乐,售价1.6K,占工资总额0.08%

  上海:一瓶1.25L的可口可乐,售价4.5元,占工资总额0.225%,是韩国的2.8倍左右

  首尔:一个麦当劳巨无霸套餐(可乐+薯条+巨无霸汉堡),5K韩元,占工资总额0.25%

  上海:一个麦当劳巨无霸套餐(可乐+薯条+巨无霸汉堡),20RMB,占工资总额1%,是韩国的4

  首尔:中高档西餐馆的法式牛排套餐40K韩元,占工资总额2%

  上海:中高档西餐馆的法式牛排套餐100RMB,占工资总额5%,是韩国的2.5

  

  2.住的方面

  首尔市中心的房价最近两年一直在升,150平米的房价接近4亿5千万韩币,即,3000K/平米,为月收入总额150%

  上海的内环附近的房价,09年以后也在升,基本上每平米15000元左右,占月收入总额750%,是韩国的5

  首尔的租房有各种形式,有寄宿房,有考试院,有ONE ROOM式,APT式,有收租金方式上,有收月租,也有收全税式,即直接付一笔大额押金,然后就不用支付每月房租了。最便宜的寄宿房(房间里空无一物,家徒四壁,厨房、卫生间公用),一般月租200K,无押金。考试院较贵,但考试院提供大米、生活用品,房内有基本的床、桌椅等,有网络,可看电视,租金较贵,月租在250K-350K之间,好一点的,像ONE ROOM,要付押金,押金在1000K-5000K之间,月租在500K-1000K之间,房租占月收入总额10%-50%

  上海么,不用说了,1500元也最多租个一室一厅。通常租房都是押一付三。房租占月收入50%-75%以上

  

  3.交通方面

  首尔:短程巴士为0.6K,一般巴士为1K,地铁为0.9K-1.2K,的士起步价2.4K

  上海:所有公共汽车全为2-3元,地铁为3-4元,的士起步价12

  首尔:首尔-上海往返机票200K

  上海:上海-首尔往返机票1000

  

  4.教育方面

  首尔:韩国的教育实行教育产业化,好的大学都是私立大学,另外,为了避免穷人上不起大学,政府投资大量教育经费建设公立大学,一般公立大学学费是私立大学的50%-70%,私立大学一年学费,人文社会学科在6000K左右,理工类学科在8000K左右。

  上海:不用说了,一年学费10000元人民币以上

  

  5.其他

  首尔:中档笔记本电脑1000K 月收入总额1/2

  上海:中档笔记本电脑5000元是月收入总额2.5

  首尔:中档轿车10000K,月收入总额的5

  上海:中档轿车50000元,月收入总额25

  首尔:中等家庭一年要两次海外旅行,一般如果去香港、新加坡之类的东亚国家玩一圈,每人花销1000K左右,月收入总额1/2

  上海:能有国内长途旅行就不错了,国外旅行很难想象,去新马泰,平均每个花销约5000元,月收入总额5

  

  总结:韩国的工资是我们的6倍,所以,他们的物价如果也是我们的6倍,那么,说明我国的物价是正常的。但现在比较以上数据,说明我国的物价已经很高很高了。工资不涨,物价上涨,那就是变相的收入下跌,那就是生活水平的实际下降。

2009/11/22

Why Shanghai Town Hall Meeting with Obama is not broadcasted countrywide?

The following contents are sensitive:

1. Obama’s speech

These freedoms of expression and worship -- of access to information and political participation -- we believe are universal rights.

 

2. Q&A

And not surprisingly, "in a country with 350 million Internet users and 60 million bloggers, do you know of the firewall?"  And second, "should we be able to use Twitter freely" -- is the question.

 

Remarks by President Barack Obama at Town Hall Meeting with Future Chinese Leaders

http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-barack-obama-town-hall-meeting-with-future-chinese-leaders

迈克尔杰克逊

看了一集财经郎眼, 郎咸平谈到了迈克尔杰克逊的成功是因为触动各个时代人们的集体性人格 (羞涩与狂放,躁动与宁谧, 摆脱一切羁绊与束缚), 所以才跨越了比猫王, 披头士等其他巨星更长的年代.

 

我并不是一个MJ, 只是对Thriller, Beat It, Smooth Criminal, Heal the World等歌非常喜欢, 最近很喜欢学唱 (不过没那种爆发力和pitch), 因为非常酷 (节奏感和唱法). 但是看过This Is It以后, 我确实被震撼了, 被他对音乐的投入, 专注震撼了. 那种追求完美, 极致足以感染任何人.

2009/11/16

Catchphrase: Strategic Reassurance

These days with US President Barack Obama visiting China, a new catchphrase is created: Strategic Reassurance. What does U.S. want to reassure? While previous government’s “Responsible Stakeholder” (urging China to become) puts U.S. at a more dominant, commanding position, “Strategic Reassurance” lowers U.S. position (as Obama administration has always done since taking the office), as U.S. currently needs other countries’ help to pull through crisis.

 

China as a Responsible Stakeholder

http://www.carnegieendowment.org/events/index.cfm?fa=eventDetail&id=998

 

Strategic Reassurance

Lurking under this discussion is the question of whether "strategic reassurance" dovetails with or challenges China's own policy priorities. The Obama administration urgently needs to clarify this. The Chinese have lately been calling on international partners and interlocutors to undertake relations based on respect for China's "core interests." Beijing identifies these as being, in order of priority: the stability and preservation of the current authoritarian regime; respect for the territorial integrity of China; and the preservation of a positive environment for China's continued economic and political rise.

 

If Washington's "strategic reassurance" means reassuring China that the U.S. will not challenge these priorities, it would mark a major change in U.S. policy, particularly with respect to Beijing's top priority of preserving the current regime. China scholar Aaron Friedberg has noted that political liberalization has long been an important underlying policy objective of U.S. dealings with China. This is as it should be, given that many of the fundamental tensions in the U.S.-China relationship arise from or are amplified by the differences in the two countries' domestic political systems. Abandonment of this policy objective would be a serious strategic error.

 

If "strategic reassurance" was developed primarily with China's third priority of a positive environment for its continued rise in mind it would still be a mistake. U.S. policy makers have frequently misidentified China's real priorities and, as a result, developed mismatched policy responses that failed to take full advantage of leverage that could be used to advance U.S. interests. The six-party talks on North Korea are a good example: The U.S. side has operated under a misguided belief that the Chinese cared more about helping achieve American goals than they do, and even worked to allay China's concerns about the North Korean regime's stability instead of using these to push China to act more forcefully.

 
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